In the lead-up to October 12, 2012, which will mark 100 days since the election of Egyptian President Muhammad Mursi, there has been increased criticism of his policies. The Youth Revolution Coalition is planning to hold a mass demonstration on that day, at which it will call on him to dissolve the Constituent Assembly, the body charged with drafting the new Egyptian constitution; to liberate all detainees from the revolution; to prosecute all those responsible for the killing of demonstrators; not to exempt SCAF members from prosecution; and to promote social justice.[1] It should be noted that a mass demonstration planned for August 24, 2012 against the Muslim Brotherhood's (MB's) takeover of the country failed to materialize, because a few days previously Mursi dismissed the military top brass and taken the reins of government away from the military, winning him considerable popularity.
Following Mursi's promises to institute many changes in Egypt even before completing his first 100 days in office, numerous websites have been created to track his progress in fulfilling his promises.
Source: Moheet.com, September 6, 2012.
One example of the mounting criticism against Mursi is an article by renowned Egyptian writer 'Alaa Al-Aswany, known for his bold criticism of the Mubarak regime and, later, of the SCAF.[2] In his article, Al-Aswany writes that Mursi's rule is no different from Mubarak's and that he has not kept his campaign promises, and notes that he has failed, inter alia, to purge the security services of Mubarak's men, to stop their policy of oppression and torture, and to release Egyptians imprisoned on false charges during the revolution or to obtain the release of Egyptians incarcerated in Saudi Arabia. In addition, he notes that many of the ministers Mursi has appointed belong to the old regime; that he continues to pursue an economic policy of helping the rich and ignoring the poor, and prefers to address Egypt's economic crisis by begging the IMF for a loan; that he uses the government media to his advantage and has citizens prosecuted for "disrespecting" him; and that he has not replaced the current MB-dominated Constituent Assembly with a new assembly representing all sectors of society. Al-Aswany states further that the MB General Guide's office has substantial influence in the governing of the country, and urges all Egyptian citizens to rally to the cause of rescuing Egypt from an MB takeover.
The following are excerpts from his article:[3]
Interior Ministry Continues To Oppress Egyptians, Violate Their Rights
"I did not vote for President Mursi. Before the elections, I wrote [an article] here in which I called upon the Egyptians to boycott the elections in protest over the presidential candidacy of [prime minister] Ahmad Shafiq [appointed by Mubarak during the demonstrations demanding that he step down, which was approved] before the 35 outstanding corruption complaints against him were investigated. The call to boycott the elections went unheeded, and millions of Egyptians found themselves forced to vote for President Mursi, not out of a belief in the views of the MB, but in order to keep Mubarak's regime from coming back through [the election of] Ahmad Shafiq. When the results were announced and Mursi won the presidency, I called to respect the people's will, thinking I shouldn't attack him before giving him a chance. [But] now three months have passed since he took power, and his political course has become apparent to us. Sadly, the moves and decisions he has taken convey worrying messages and [give rise] to concerns that can be summed up as follows:
"1. The Interior Ministry's cruel suppression of the Egyptian people was one of the major reasons for the revolution, which demanded from the start to dissolve the State Security Investigations Service, to purge the Interior Ministry of Mubarak's corrupt officers, and to prosecute those who had been involved in torture. But the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) firmly refused to make any changes in the Interior Ministry during the interim stage. Then came President Mursi, and surprised us by refusing to purge the ministry [too], and by turning for assistance to the same senior commanders and choosing the Interior Minister, Ahmad Gamal Al-Din, from among them. It looked like a deal had been struck between the MB and Interior Ministry officials, according to which the generals would keep their posts and privileges, and would not be held accountable for the crimes they had committed, in return for restoring security [in Egypt] and protecting the MB's interests.
"Security was indeed partly restored, but so was the oppression, and [now] we are once again seeing Egyptians being humiliated at police stations. Last week, an engineer called Muhamad Fahim was driving through Al-Mansoura when a policeman stopped him and asked to see his license. Discovering that he had forgotten his license at home, Fahim asked if one of the officer's men could escort him to his home and fetch it. The officer replied, 'Tell that to your mother,' and when Fahim protested, he hit Fahim and ordered his men to drag him through the dirt. Then they took him to the station, tortured him, and finally brought a trumped up charge against him, prompting the prosecution to remand him in custody for further investigation. Numerous cases like this from the recent period indicate that Mursi, like President Mubarak, is not overly concerned about citizens being tortured and their human rights being violated.
"The Egyptians' situation abroad [for example in Saudi Arabia] is not much better than at home... Hundreds of Egyptians are being held in Saudi jails without trial or following an unfair trial. Among them is Nagla Wafa, who is flogged every week for insulting some [Saudi] princess, and [also] attorney Ahmad Al-Gizawi, who was convicted on false charges after daring to bring a lawsuit against the Saudi king in an attempt to defend the rights of Egyptians. [Yet, despite this,] Mursi's first [official] visit was to Saudi Arabia. He hugged the [Saudi] officials and posed for the cameras with them, while doing nothing to rescue the Egyptian nationals incarcerated there. To this, I add the thousands of detainees in Egypt's military prisons, most of whom [were arrested on] fabricated charges during the protests, as well as the 'April 8 Officers' who joined the protests in Al-Tahrir Square, and were arrested and brutally tortured, and are still in custody. During the election [campaign], Mursi promised he would release all these people immediately upon taking power, but he has not kept his promise."
Mursi Takes Care Of Rich, Ignores Poor
"2. When the president announced the government makeup, we were surprised to find that he had selected many ministers from the old regime. To put it simply, this means that there is little difference between Mubarak's policy and Mursi's. Mubarak favored the rich and worked to increase their profits, while paying no heed to the suffering of the poor. Now we find, to our chagrin, that Mursi is no different. He is befriending businessmen associated with the Mubarak regime and taking them on foreign visits in his private plane. Trying to deal with the economic crisis, he has not thought to cut government spending or give up advisors who needlessly cost [the taxpayer] millions of liras. He has not thought to impose progressive taxes on the rich, or of withdrawing [government] support from the plants of investors who sell [their products] at global market prices, yet [receive] gas and power at subsidized prices.
"Mursi does not consider these solutions, because they threaten the interests of the rich. Instead, just like Mubarak, he has... asked the IMF for a massive loan of $4.8 billion, without informing the public of the terms of the loan. Recall that, when former prime minister Al-Ganzouri wanted [to appeal] to the IMF for a loan, the MB loudly opposed this, saying that it would plunge Egypt deeper into debt. [The MB] also claimed that [taking] interest-carrying loans is prohibited by the [Islamic] shari'a, but now they praise and extol the loan Mursi has requested. They have suddenly discovered that taking a loan is allowed by the shari'a when unavoidable, for necessity renders the prohibited permissible. Their pockets are full of diverse religious rulings, and they pull out whichever [ruling] suits their desires and interests."
Mursi Uses Official Media To His Advantage
"3. The Mubarak regime controlled the Media and the government press, and spread lies on a daily basis in order to give Mubarak the false image of an inspired leader and a clever commander. Then came Mursi, and, instead of giving the government press independence and dismantling the Communications Ministry, he appointed one of the MB officials as minister of communication. The [MB-dominated] Shura Council appointed new editors for the government papers, who [now] know that they owe the MB a favor [and are therefore likely to be loyal to it]. The MB's influence over the press grows clearer every day. The state TV [channels] constantly show images of Mursi, just like they did with Mubarak.
"Moreover, [even] the private channels, owned by businessmen, are making sure to tighten their relations with the MB. We recently saw an interview with Mursi that was an exact replica of Mubarak's interviews: the president sat there proudly, with an air of self-satisfaction, and before him sat the presenter, nearly shivering with fear, knowing that one word from the president can make or break his future. The presenter asked feeble questions, and the president replied with hollow and meaningless slogans... Mursi has preserved the corrupt Mubarak media, and has begun using it to his advantage."
Who Runs Egypt – Mursi Or MB General Guide?
"4. The Constituent Assembly, [responsible for] drafting the [new] constitution, in its current form, is controlled by the MB, because [this movement] holds the majority of seats. This means that, no matter how long the [assembly's] sessions and deliberations last, the final word on drafting Egypt's constitution will belong to the MB [General] Guide. Before the elections, President Mursi promised to change the makeup of the assembly so that it represents all sectors of society. But, as usual, he did not keep his promise but left the assembly as it was, and [now] it is drafting articles that include violations of public freedoms, women's freedoms and the freedom of the press. We predict that the assembly will draft a constitution to suit the interests of the MB. It will then be brought to a quick referendum, and the enormous preaching machine of the mosques will be deployed, promising simple folks Paradise if they support the constitution.
"5. President Mursi promised that in his era public freedoms would flourish, but we are seeing the opposite: papers have been banned; [the satellite channel] Al-Faraeen TV has been closed down by executive court order (a step we disagree with despite our opinion on this channel, because it means that any channel that displeases President Mursi will be closed down); an Egyptian citizen named Bishawi Al-Bahiri will spend two years in jail for disrespecting President Mursi on his Facebook page, and senior journalists are being prosecuted on the same charge. The charge of 'disrespecting the president' does not exist in any democracy, but it seems that Mursi has a tendency to punish his opponents with jail, opposes abolishing [laws] that make publishing [one's opinion] a crime punishable by imprisonment... Mursi's era is no better than Mubarak's in terms of these freedoms, perhaps even worse.[4]
"6. President Mursi was elected by the people, but he belongs to the MB, a secretive and mysterious movement whose charter, principles and sources of funding are known to nobody. We have frequently demanded to [clarify] the legal status of the MB and to subject its funding to oversight by the state, but is seems that Mursi prefers it to remain a clandestine organization that supports him from behind the scenes. Moreover, Mursi's affiliation with this organization has given rise to behaviors that are not acceptable in any democracy. [For example,] MB senior official Khairat Al-Shater behaves as though he is prime minister, issuing statements on the government's programs, meeting and negotiating with foreign officials, and [even] signing agreements with them – and we have no idea in what capacity he does this. As a matter of fact, we do not know who rules Egypt: President Mursi or the MB [General] Guide."
The Revolution Must Rescue Egypt From The MB
"The picture is worrying, [for] it seems that nothing has changed in Egypt since the revolution except for the identity of the president. Mubarak is gone and Mursi has arrived [in his place]. He [travels] with a guard of 3,000 soldiers, in addition to officers and sharpshooters, [and] when he goes to pray, [his] guards keep worshippers from entering the mosque... When he visits Rome, he stays in the same fancy hotel that Mubarak used to patronize, which costs the state thousands of Egyptian liras per night, paid for by the poor [Egyptian] people who are being fleeced.
"The revolution made a great achievement in ousting Mubarak and throwing him and his cronies behind bars. Now its task is to keep the MB from taking over the state. Unless the national forces immediately unite and deliver the country from the hands of the MB, we and our children will pay a heavy price. With Allah's help, the [Egyptian] people, which gave rise to this momentous revolution, is [also] able to defend it. Democracy is the solution."
[1] Al-Ahram (Egypt), September 27, 2012.
[2] One of Al-Aswany's best known novels is The Yacoubian Building, which criticizes Mubarak's rule. On his criticism of the SCAF, see MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 3740, Egyptian Author Alaa Al-Aswany Criticizes the Military for Undermining the Achievements of the Revolution in Egypt, April 5, 2011.
[3] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), September 24, 2012.
[4] The editor of the Egyptian daily Al-Dustour, Islam Afifi, resigned his post, citing pressure applied to him by management and their interference in editing policy. Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), September 28, 2012.
