On February 10, 2013, the Iranian news agency Fars, which is close to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), published an interview with Zeinab Hadad, an Iranian student who had recently returned from an eight-year stay in Syria due to her fears about the fighting there. The article was removed shortly after it appeared on the website, perhaps because it showed the true severity of the crisis in Syria, which is incompatible with Tehran's official view – that is, that it will be resolved very soon by Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad – or because of its criticism of Tehran's treatment of Iranians who fled Syria. However, the interview was cited and quoted by other Iranian websites, including Tabnak.
In the interview, Hadad reiterates claims by the Iranian regime that the Syrian revolution has its roots in Salafi circles funded by Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Israel with the aim of fomenting unrest there. She goes on to state that Assad could have prevented the spread of the crisis had he shown restraint in Dera' when the unrest first began in February 2011. She says that some 60% of Syrians want the Assad regime to remain because they fear Syria becoming another Afghanistan or Libya, and describes the difficulties of life during the fighting, particularly in Damascus. Telling of the persecution of Shi'ites and 'Alawites, who are treated as infidels and captured by the rebels, she adds that the regime is setting up and arming local militias to purge areas of rebels, and that this is why the fighting is continuing.
Hadad also compares Iraq's treatment of its citizens who return from Syria with the Iranian regime's treatment of its own returning citizens, and accuses the government of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of abandoning them.
Following are the main points of the interview:
"Prayer Leaders [In Syria] Who Oppose The Syrian Regime... Received Orders From Qatar, Saudi Arabia, And Turkey" To Foment Unrest; "The Protestors [In Syria]... Fired At The Crowds [i.e. Their Fellow Protestors] So As To [Make It Appear] That The Regime Was Oppressing The People"
Q: "Introduce yourself. What were you doing in Syria?"
A: "I am Zeinab Hadad. I left [Iran] for Syria to study [there], and lived in Damascus for eight years. I am studying dentistry. I also married an Iranian residing in Syria."
Q: "How did the protests begin?"
A: "At first, there were popular, nonviolent riots, and the public presented its demands – these protests were mainly in Homs, Aleppo, and Hama, but gradually spread to Damascus; for the past year, Damascus too has been in tumult. The protests were popular but not spontaneous; [unrest] was stirred up, mainly in the mosques, aimed at changing the regime."
Q: "Who was stirring up [unrest]?"
A: "The prayer leaders who oppose the Syrian regime. They received orders from Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey."
Q: "Were they Salafis?"
A: "Yes. At first, the public didn't know this, but then it became clear that they were receiving orders from 'Adnan [Al-]'Ar'our, the mufti of the Salafis in Syria, who resides in Saudi Arabia. The protestors gradually armed themselves, and would fire at the crowds [i.e. at their fellow protestors] so as to [make it appear] that the regime was oppressing the people. This process continued until the first bombing, in Damascus a year ago. Syrian regime opponents took responsibility for this bombing, which was at a military base near Kafr Sousa."
Q: "Did ordinary people also participate in the violent unrest?"
A: "They did at first, but later, thugs showed up at the outskirts of the city. I myself saw how they were paid to carry out riots. Each one was paid about 500 lira, but because they were thugs, and unemployed, they weren't happy even with this sum.
"The money was doled out at the mosques. Some of [these thugs] would stand outside the mosques and chant slogans as public prayers concluded. They were armed, and presented themselves as worshippers."
Q: "Were there any foreigners among the protestors?"
A: "Not in Damascus. But in other Syrian cities, there were those from Libya, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Saudi Arabia, and Tunisia. Al-Qaeda also sent [its operatives] in Iraq to Syria."
Q: "What operations [against Syria] were carried out from Turkey's [territory]?"
A: "From Turkey came a lot of people who were armed and equipped, because from the beginning [of the crisis] the Turkish border was in the hands of the Free Syrian Army (FSA), which did whatever it wanted [there]. At first, the Syrians initially protested [against the regime], but when the situation reached the point [of chaos], they gave up, saying: We don't want our country ruined like Afghanistan and Iraq."
Q: "They say that the FSA threw people out of their homes and turned those homes into strongholds."
A: "Yes, this happened to my house too. They threw me out, and because I am Iranian I had to flee, because they threatened to kill me. Sometime later, relatives told me that the FSA had taken the house and that I could not return to it. Mostly, they go into empty houses and turn them into strongholds. At Husseiniyya, on the outskirts of Damascus, the FSA expelled everyone from their homes, and announced that the area was strategic and that everyone had to leave."
Q: "Did all the residents flee when their homes were occupied?"
A: "Not everyone. The Syrian Sunnis remained, but the Shi'ites and we Iranians left."
Q: "Are any homes in Damascus in the hands of the FSA?"
A: "Most of them; only the city center is held by the regime."
"The FSA Persecutes Shi'ites And Alawites And Slaughters Them"
Q: "Tell [us] about Jabhat Al-Nusra."
A: "This front was established in Aleppo. They announced that they are tied neither to the regime nor to the FSA, and that they want to establish Islamic rule. In Aleppo, [they] announced [the establishment of] an Islamic emirate, and the appointment of an emir. These people have not yet entered Damascus."
Q: "On occasion, there is barbaric crime and widespread slaughter, which each side accuses the other of committing. What's your view of this?"
A: "While I was there, the regime didn't kill any innocent people or any citizen; it targeted [only] armed individuals who were firing [weapons]. I didn't see anyone entering homes and slaughtering people. It was Jabhat Al-Nusra and the FSA that did these things, attributing them to the regime. Most of those slaughtered were regime supporters, and most of those killed were Shi'ites."
Q: "Does the Syrian people also think so?"
A: "The Syrians are split into two groups. Most said [at first] that the Syrian regime was conducting a massacre, but then they noticed that it was the foreign terrorists who were carrying out these operations. There is no country [in the world] where the authorities would undermine [domestic] security; most [Syrians] realize this."
Q: "The people undertook no operations to defend themselves?"
A: "Some areas in the outskirts of Aleppo are inhabited by Shi'ites. These areas have been surrounded by the FSA for some time, and the residents have been compelled to arm themselves. But within Damascus, ordinary residents are unarmed.
"For a while now, the army has been cleansing areas and then arming a group of the people in these areas so that they can defend themselves. This group, the Popular Committee, has established [branches] in every region; it is armed, and it conducts searches of vehicles and people."
Q: "What is the situation of the minorities?"
A: "They support the regime, so their areas are surrounded by the FSA. In minority areas, Popular Committees were established; they allow no one to enter. Thus, for example, in the Bab Touma area, the largest Christian area [in Syria], nothing has happened."
Q: "During the fighting in Syria, it seems that things are worse for the Shi'ites and Alawites. Is this so?"
A: "Yes. The FSA persecutes Shi'ites and Alawites, and slaughters them. They even arrest people because of their names and where they live. The Alawites in the military, the police, and the security [forces] are under heavy pressure, and their families are under constant threat."
Q: "What is the security situation in Syria right now?"
A: "The people have gotten used to this situation, but in Damascus things are not so good. The city's airport is open, but the roads to it are not secure. There is no gasoline, no kerosene, no electricity, and no food. Prices have gone up and most private sector workers are unemployed. The price of bread has tripled.
"The public has realized that it made a mistake, and today over 60% want Assad to stay. The country is currently divided – part is held by the regime, and the other part is held by the FSA. While the Syrian army secures one area, and cleanses it [of rebels], the FSA returns a little while later. Lately, there has been some thought as to how to keep cleansed areas cleansed, and they have established Popular Committees. This may be one reason why fighting continues there."
"The Israeli Regime Is Behind All This Unrest"
Q: "Syria was once one of the most stable countries in the region. How did it become this unstable?"
A: "For the past two years, Syria has been entangled in this problem, but the roots of this problem began a decade ago, when various countries, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Libya, and even Israel, funneled money and Salafi ideology [into it]."
Q: "What role does Israel play among those who come [to Syria] to wage jihad?"
A: "Jabhat Al-Nusra declared war on the Syrian regime in the name of Islam. They believe that Islam only has a Sunni stream, and that the Shi'ites and Alawites are infidels against whom jihad must be waged... It can be said that the Israeli regime is behind all this unrest. Israel is trying to gain calm for itself from both sides [that is, the Syrian regime and the Salafis], by dispatching the Salafis to Syria and with their war against the [Syrian] regime.
"Assad's regime too made mistakes, starting in Der'a. Had [the regime] been temperate in its dealings with the area's tribal leaders, things would have been different, but this was not done. The elites there were disrespected, and that insulted the honor of the residents there."
After Returning To Iran, We Were Treated Poorly: "In Syria – Which Isn't Even Our Own Country – We Could Work, But In Iran, We Aren't Allowed To!"
Q: "When did you leave Syria?"
A: "After the [July 2012] bombing of the office at the security building [i.e. the National Security Council headquarters] in Damascus, that killed [Syrian Deputy Defense Minister] Assef Shawkat, the security situation in Syria became critical. The day after the bombing, I went to the Iranian Embassy in order to go back [to Iran], and many Iranians were there. The embassy announced that it could do nothing [for us]. Later, I noticed that the embassy had told its employees that on Friday there would be a private plane for them to take. I approached the [Iranian] ambassador and told him to take me as well. He said there was no room, but I went to the airport that Friday just in case there was a chance that I could get on it.
"That same Friday, the Iraqi government sent six planes for all the Iraqi nationals who were at the airport, at no charge to them. But the Iranian officials told us that anyone who wants to return to Iran had to pay $150. Those who had it, paid, and returned [to Iran].
"Mojtaba Hosseini, the representative of [Iranian Supreme] Leader [Ali Khamenei in Syria], was very helpful in this matter. He sent his representative to the [Damascus] airport to bring the [Iranians] who no longer had anywhere to live to a religious seminary."
Q: "And what happened to them?"
A: "Many remained [in Syria], and are staying at the seminary because they have no [family] in Iran..."
Q: "And what happened to those who returned to Iran?"
A: [The academic qualifications of] those who were studying in Syria [were not accepted,] and they had to to average out [their grades from the Syrian institutions]. And, those who had not served in the Iranian Army were drafted. Many families [returning from Syria] were forced to go to Qom, where the religious seminaries held a reception for them. But the government provided them with no services at all."
Q: "You mean that the government has so far done nothing for the Iranian refugees?"
A: "No real measures have been taken."
Q: "What have the refugees in Tehran done?"
A: "Most of them live in the Dowlatabad [area in southeastern Tehran]. Those who studied [in Syria] wanted to take exams... They were told that they had to enroll in classes, and that if they were accepted, they would have to average out [the grades they had earned in Syria].
"In Syria – which isn't even our own country – we could work, but in Iran, we aren't allowed to!"
"The Iranian Officials Are Doing Nothing To Ease The Refugees' Plight"
Q: "What have you done about this?"
A: "I've written to the Office of the Presidency [i.e. Ahmadinejad] and to other government institutions, but to no avail. If we had no Iranian ID card, we'd be in better shape.
"Those who went to Qom aren't in such good shape either. Despite the cold weather, the Iranian refugees have to live in houses without doors or windows, in a town near Qom.
Q: "Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon have set up refugee shelters. Are any Iranians in them?"
A: "During the fighting in the Sayyidah Zeinab area, Hizbullah transferred Syrian Shi'ites to South Lebanon, putting them up in apartments and giving them monetary aid every month. There might be some Iranians among them – but there isn't a single Iranian in the refugee shelters in Turkey and Jordan."
Q: "Have you any message for the [Iranian regime] officials?"
A: "Unfortunately, the [regime] officials think that the Iranian refugees who returned from Syria need money – and because there is no money [to give them], they won't deal with them.
"But the Iranians who returned [from Syria] want security, not money. In Syria they had money, a respectable life, a home, a car, and higher education.
"The Iranian officials are doing nothing to ease the refugees' plight."
